Church and State in the World Order of Bahá’u’llah

Abstract

Because the Baháíí Faith offers a definite model for both the political and spiritual transformation of the human world, it is liable to be criticized and even feared on the sensitive issue of the ideal relation which it proposes between religious and political institutions. The question is made even more current by the republication, in the framework of the Aqdas, of Bahá'u'lláhís statement that: "All matters of State should be referred to the House of Justice . . . ` Will the Bahá'ís eventually set up a church state? The widespread fear of any political system run on religious principles, combined with a less widespread identification (among certain fundamentalist Christian groups) of the idea of world unity with the antichrist, creates a dangerous mix. It is therefore essential that the Baháíí teachings on this be better understood. We also need to understand the theory behind our relationship with the state in general. Is the civil state no more than a temporary, perhaps necessary evil? Or is it an institution mandated by God? Is the principle of obedience to civil authorities which at present governs our behavior a short-term tactic adopted during the period in which we have no political power, or a permanent principle? This paper will approach these questions not through a direct textual and contextual analysis, but rather by making a broad survey of the principles involved as we find them in the Baháíí writings. I have selected "landmarks" which are easily memorable and which seem to me to sum up the fundamental principles involved. 1) Shoghi Effendi said that the Baháíís should not allow their Baháíí administration to supersede national governments.' 2) Bahá'u'lláh says that God has given the task of government to kings and rulers, while the cities of men's hearts are reserved for GoV 3) The civil and religious administrations of a Baháíí social order are distinct but not separate: they are organs of one body, whose distinct natures are required so that they can work together in a "harmony of forces."' In trying to understand what constitutional relations might flow out of these principles, I start not with the government and the House of Justice, but with the Baháíí administrative order which is the "pattern of a New World Order."' The administrative order is an organic system, characterized by division into separate organs, each with its own intrinsic nature and mode of operation, and each organ requiring the others. It will then be possible to apply this conception of organic unity to the government institutions of the World Order, and to the relationships between these institutions and the Bahá'í Administrative Order. Aqdas: Other Sections, page 91, also in the "Eighth Ishraq," Tablets of Bahá'u'lláh, p. 128. World Order of Bahá'u'lláh, p. 66: "Theirs is not the purpose . . . to violate, under any circumstances, the provisions of their country's constitution, much less to allow the machinery of their administration to supersede the government of their respective countries." Gleanings, CXV: "The one true God, exalted be His glory, hath bestowed the government of the earth upon the kings . . . that which He hath reserved for Himself are the cities of men's hearts . . . ." Will and Testament of 'Abdul-Bahá, pp. 14-15: "This House of Justice enacteth the laws and the government enforceth them. The legislative body must reinforce the executive, the executive must aid and assist the legislative body so that through die close union and harmony of these two forces, the foundation of fairness and justice may become firm and strong . . . ." World Order of Bahá'u'lláh, p. 144.